(for Part I, click here.)
Before I begin the second part of Foner's lecture at UConn, Stamford, it is fitting to ask one key question. Why did he write another book on Lincoln? There are already 8 to 10 thousand books on the president; perhaps no other president has so much scholarship devoted to him.
He answers the question succinctly. It's a matter of narrowing the focus on how radically Lincoln's position on slavery changed. So on to Part II.
Foner asks how Lincoln and Stephen Douglas differ on the interpretation of the phrase that "All men are created equal?" in the Declaration of Independence. The latter politician held that the phrase did not apply to blacks. Lincoln on the other hand believed in the tenet. The question is how to define "equal." He held it was the right to improve one's condition in life, the right to the fruits of one's labor, the right to improve one's condition in society. He felt the majority of society could regulate civil and political rights such as the right to own land, vote, etc.
Early on Lincoln believed in colonization; slaves should be encouraged or required gradually to leave the country for Africa, South America or the Caribbean. The elimination of the black population meant not having to deal with the question of their status in a bi-racial society. (This was essentially the position of Thomas Jefferson and Henry Clay both anti-slavery slave owners.
(In researching the roots of the proposal for colonization, I delved into Foner's latest book on Lincoln, The Fiery Trial (W.W. Norton & Company, 2010) Here the author relates that " the most avid Republican promoters of colonization were the Blair family." The patriarch of this clan was Francis P. Blair editor of the Washington Globe, the voice of the democratic party. Francis, who was a close adviser to President Andrew Jackson, was part of his unofficial 'kitchen cabinet" and "exerted enormous political influence in the 1830's and 1840's."
Thus Blair Senior, who switched to the Republican party and his sons Frank and Montgomery were " self important, indomitable and as critics of slavery living in slave states, courageous." In 1856, Frank became the the first Republican representative from a slave state in congress; two years late, he began freeing slaves inherited from his mother. The family envisioned itself in the forefront of the movement to rid the upper south of slavery and the "black presence."
The Blairs saw colonization as a cornerstone of the Republican party and tied this plan to "gradual, compensated emancipation in border states where slavery was weak or in decline."
Frank wanted Missouri to take the proceeds of land sales "to purchase the state's slaves and transport them to Central America." (page 124)
Indeed, notes Foner, Lincoln urged 'free blacks' to leave. Whereas some politicians like Clay believed that blacks were a dangerous group and criminally inclined, Lincoln felt they were entitled to rights as previously discussed. He faced squarely the fact that the country was racist and thus there could never be racial equality.
However, the reality was that most blacks did not want to leave. So he urged gradual emancipation which meant that the children of slaves would be free, perhaps after 20 years. Slavery was protected by the constitution and by state laws and thus the US government could not easily free them.
And then there was the reality that slavery could not be abolished without the consent of the slave owners. So this fact necessitated gradual emancipation and monetary compensation for the property rights to the slaves.
The Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863 involved a complete reversal of his earlier views: Freedom was immediate, there was to be no compensation and no colonization.
Foner asks what led to the reversal? (This is the subject of his new book!)
First, the border slave states, Kentucky, Missouri, Delaware and Maryland, would not adopt the gradual plan. Second, the blacks did not want to leave. Third, slavery was disintegrating; when the Union army invaded, the Southern slaves ran to the protection of the army. Fourth, as the war progressed some 200,000 blacks joined the Union army and navy. Fifth, the black soldier status forced a change in Lincoln's attitude. Their fighting for the nation gave them a stake in the country. He felt why would they enlist unless we gave them promise of freedom.
Foner is a relaxed and enjoyable speaker easy to follow and very knowledgeable about his subject. He urges his audience to learn more about Lincoln and slavery by searching for answers in his new book.
Indeed, this is exactly what the blogger has been doing.
A hearty thank you to the History Department at UConn for sponsoring this lively learning session entitled The Estelle Feinstein Memorial Lecture. (Professor Feinstein was a leading history professor at UConn.
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